Seven Objections to Far Eastern Independence — and Our Honest Answers
When we talk about Zelenyi Klyn and advocate for the independence of the Far East, we are almost always met with objections. That is normal. We ourselves wrote at the end of our movement’s program: a program that no one argues with is not a program — it is an obituary.
So we have collected the seven most common objections we hear from friends, skeptics, critics, and simply curious people. We address each one directly, without slogans, and based on what is set out in our program. Where the answer is uncomfortable, we say so. 1. “It’s unrealistic: Moscow will never let the Far East go”
We have no illusions about this. Independence is not something you beg for or obtain simply by submitting an application. History shows that a window of opportunity opens when imperial power weakens or collapses. This is how the Baltic states, Ukraine, Georgia, and most postcolonial states of the 20th century gained their independence.
We do not set dates or promise that this will happen tomorrow. We do something else: we prepare in advance. Independence is proclaimed when the central government loses effective control over the territory of the Far East, not simply because we wish it to happen on a convenient day. A declaration of independence is not a spontaneous act, but a carefully prepared and legitimate step.
The difference between an adventure and a plan is that a plan has answers to the question, “What happens next?” Most movements that were presented with an opportunity missed it precisely because, when the crucial moment came, no one knew what to do. We want to know.
That is why we are already building the infrastructure of future governance. We are recruiting people into the movement, organizing them, and preparing them so that, when the time comes, we will have a team ready to act decisively and according to plan, with a clear structure and defined areas of responsibility for everyone. There is a place for you on this team, too. Join us. For more information on how to join the movement, read our article at the link.
2. “There are only a handful of you. Who gave you the right to speak for the entire region?”
No one gives us such a right in advance, and we do not claim one. That is why our program sets out exactly how authority in the new state will be established.
Independence will be proclaimed by a Constituent Congress. Yes, members of our movement will form its core and will have a priority right to representation: we have spent many years carrying out organizational, diplomatic, and cultural work, and we bear a historical responsibility. But alongside us, the Congress will include locally elected delegates from municipalities and communities, professional associations, ethnic communities, as well as full representatives of the Indigenous peoples.
What follows is something that cannot be “privatized”:
The transitional government will serve for no more than one year.
No later than 12 months after independence, elections to a Constituent Assembly, a referendum on the Constitution, and the first parliamentary elections will be held.
All citizens aged 18 and over will be eligible to vote, regardless of their origin, language, religion, or previous political affiliation.
The elections will be monitored by international observers from friendly states, independent organizations, and UN bodies.
We will build a state governed by the rule of law, not a state governed by the victors. The final word will belong not to us, but to the voters. 3. “It’s a Ukrainian project. What about Russians, Koreans, and everyone else?”
Yes, the core of our movement was formed among the descendants of Ukrainian settlers, and we do not hide this. But the idea of Zelenyi Klyn has belonged from the very beginning to everyone who lives on this land and sees their future connected with it.
Our nationality is not a matter of blood, but of conscious choice. One becomes a Far Easterner by choice: Ukrainian, Evenk, Korean, Russian, Chinese — anyone who chooses this land and accepts its laws is a full member of the political nation.
This is not merely a declaration, but a set of concrete rules governing citizenship. At the moment independence is proclaimed, citizenship will be granted automatically to:
everyone born on this land, regardless of ethnic origin, language, or the citizenship of their parents;
anyone whose parents, grandparents, or great-grandparents permanently lived in the territory of Zelenyi Klyn, regardless of where that person currently resides.
Now for the exception. We address it openly so that there is no ambiguity: citizenship of Zelenyi Klyn will be incompatible with citizenship of Russia and Belarus until those states recognize independence and cease hostile actions against our people. This is not discrimination on ethnic grounds, but a political measure intended to prevent conflicts of loyalty during the period of state formation. A Russian living in the Far East will obtain citizenship on the same grounds as anyone else. They will only need to formally renounce their Russian citizenship, and the state will assist them with this process. All other forms of dual citizenship will be permitted.
4. “What about Russia’s nuclear weapons and Pacific Fleet in the Far East?”
We understand that, at the moment independence is proclaimed, our territory may contain facilities housing nuclear and strategic weapons, as well as military bases and airfields. Our position is unequivocal.
Nuclear weapons and strategic weapons will immediately be placed under temporary international control with the participation of the IAEA, the UN, and interested states. Zelenyi Klyn does not seek nuclear-weapon-state status and commits to complying with the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.
Conventional military facilities will come under the control of the new state, and those deemed suitable will be incorporated into the national defense system. Military personnel serving in Russian units may voluntarily join the new state’s armed forces following a vetting process and an oath of allegiance. Those who choose to return to Russia will have the right to leave our territory safely. 5. “Universal military training and the right to own firearms — isn’t that a path toward militarization?”
We are not creating a military state. We are not building offensive capabilities, seeking regional dominance, or threatening our neighbors. We are declaring military neutrality: we will not join military blocs or allow foreign military bases to be established without a nationwide referendum.
The foundation of our defense will be the Swiss model: a small professional core, a trained reserve, and territorial defense organized at the municipal level. Mandatory basic training will last several months and will be the same for all adults, regardless of gender. After that, military service will be voluntary.
We understand the right to own firearms as the right of a responsible citizen, not as a license for uncontrolled arming. It will be available only to those who have completed the required training and will be accompanied by the following obligations:
registration of every firearm;
storage in a certified safe inaccessible to unauthorized persons and children;
periodic retraining;
temporary confiscation by court order if a person poses a danger to themselves or others.
The main safeguard against militarization is civilian control. The armed forces cannot be used as an instrument of political struggle or to suppress protests. Any use of the military against its own citizens will be classified as treason against the state.
6. “You will carry out reprisals against officials, judges, and security forces.”
We address this just as directly as everything else: no, we will not. Reprisal and “justice” are two different things, and the line between them is clearly defined in our program.
Those who supported the transition and did not obstruct it will have the opportunity to continue serving in the new state, with immunity for actions carried out in the course of their official duties.
Lustration will apply to those who actively persecuted activists, journalists, and representatives of Indigenous peoples, fabricated cases, or used violence. Decisions will be made by an independent Lustration Commission involving civil society, legal professionals, and international observers. It will operate according to transparent criteria and cannot become an instrument for settling personal scores.
Criminal prosecution will apply to serious crimes, regardless of a person’s position or rank. There will be no amnesty for serious crimes.
Judges. All Russian judges will be removed from office when independence is proclaimed. This is not an act of revenge, but a break with a system that served as an instrument of political control. Those wishing to continue their careers will undergo re-certification with a public hearing and will not return to the same courts or regions.
A Truth and Reconciliation Commission will collect testimonies, hold public hearings, and publish a comprehensive report. It may recommend amnesty for those who fully disclose the truth and whose offenses do not constitute serious crimes.
The use of force during the transition period will be governed by strict rules. Violations will result in immediate removal from office and criminal prosecution, regardless of whether the person is a member of our movement.
7. “What if I don’t want to live in your state?”
We take this objection seriously, because our people remember how their ancestors were forcibly deported: herded into freight cars and abandoned in the taiga without food or shelter. We will not allow such barbarity to happen again.
Everyone has the right to live wherever they feel comfortable. For those who do not see themselves as part of our state, we will provide humane and respectful resettlement and offer all possible assistance, including financial support.
No one will be forcibly deported or compelled to do anything against their will. Let everyone make an informed choice.
We do not expect these seven answers to convince everyone. We expect something else: that you will read the program in full, identify the points you disagree with, and tell us about them. Honest debate within and around the movement is better than a false appearance of unanimity.
An independent Far East, free from Russia, is not a dream. It is a plan. And plans are improved by those who read them.
Far Eastern Movement for the Independence of Zelenyi Klyn · zelenyiklyn.com
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